Home Secretary launches public inquiry into the use of undercover police

Theresa MayThe independent inquiry by Mark Ellison QC, which was established to review the Stephen Lawrence murder investigation, has revealed “wrong-headed and inappropriate” use of undercover policing. The conclusions of the review make it very clear that there was an “extraordinary level of secrecy” at play.

The Home Secretary, who has described the findings of the review as “deeply troubling”, has been a leading force behind the review into the case of Stephen Lawrence and is to be applauded for her efforts. She has now announced that a judge-led inquiry will take place into undercover policing, as she fears that the abuse of powers in this case is not an isolated incident.  The Home Office is also currently holding a public consultation into the use of covert surveillance powers.

The revelations about the potential for there to have been unfairness in some of the Metropolitan Police’s (MPS) proceedings, alongside efforts to discredit the family of Steven Lawrence, quite rightly brought cross-party condemnation. Taken alongside revelations about the scale of internet surveillance, the wider questions about the oversight of our law enforcement and intelligence agencies are too important to ignore.

The Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), the top secret squad within Special Branch in operation between 1968 and 2006, deployed an undercover officer into one of the activist groups involved in the Lawrence family campaign and as a result sought to influence, and to some extent succeeded in influencing, the Lawrence family campaign. This highlights a fundamental failing in the authorisation process, as surveillance powers are to be used for the gathering of intelligence, not to enable the manipulation of event.

The same officer also liaised with an ex-Special Branch officer who had been seconded to the MPS Lawrence Review Team; the same team responsible drafting the written submissions to be made on behalf of the Met Commissioner to the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry. The review found that the meeting was arranged “to help inform the MPS submissions to the Public Inquiry” which was “a completely improper use of the knowledge the MPS had gained”.

Under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000, authorisation for this investigation will have been granted internally by an Assistant Commissioner. It is certainly questionable whether personnel from within an organisation can make a clear judgement as to whether the investigative methods that are to be used pass the “necessary and proportionate” test required by the under Act. In this case, the methods clearly weren’t proportionate, and in order to protect the public from overzealous surveillance, a judicial process, which is both independent and external, is required.

There also appears to have been very little oversight of the surveillance methods that MPS has been using. The Surveillance Commissioner, who is responsible for oversight of covert surveillance, has failed to properly scrutinise operations at a police force level. This additional check and balance would also help to ensure that the public are not unfairly targeted by intrusive surveillance methods. You can read our submission to the Intelligence and Security Committee inquiry into the balance between security and privacy here.

The review is absolutely to right to talk about the “extraordinary level of secrecy” at play in the use of surveillance techniques. Crime enforcement agencies hide behind the argument that releasing details of surveillance methods would undermine on-going and future operations. However in the US, the Department for Justice publishes information provided by federal and state officials on orders authorising or approving interceptions of wire, oral or electronic communications. The detail includes types of offences under investigation, the nature and locations of intercept devices, costs and durations of intercepts, and intercept extensions granted. All of this information is published annually, at no detriment to their investigations.

It is clear that the actions taken in the Stephen Lawrence investigation have undermined public confidence. Reform of surveillance practices is urgently needed so the public can have confidence that the authorisation process and oversight regime promotes a culture of proportionality and transparency. Without these reforms, we cannot safely say that what happened to the Lawrence family won’t happen again.

Posted by on Mar 6, 2014 in Home | 3 Comments


  1. Jon Davies
    10th March 2014

    I have found the Ellison report a very disturbing read. I understand the need for surveillance of extreme elements and appreciate the bravery of those who have to undertake work in a very grey area. However the MPS appears to have got out of control and is a law unto itself when it come to protecting the interests of the MPS.

    What worries me as much is the way that Richard Walton’s memory of the events on the Lawrence Review Team, that you describe above, changed between October 2013 and February 2014 when twice interviewed as part of the Ellison report. Why does someone change their recollection so quickly to put such a different interpretation on events? Especially when the revised version is not supported by the available views of others or written notes from 1998.

    It appears that this change could severely damage if not destroy Richard Walton’s career so what was he trying to hide? Maybe it was just a clumsy way of trying to avoid mild criticism of his original actions in 1998 but his recent reported behaviour has left me with the view that I would not rely on the word of any of the MPS top management team.

    No doubt there will be more to emerge on this.

  2. Pavlov's Bitch
    23rd March 2014

    The home secretary is to be applauded for Herm efforts? Are you serious? Nothing on Mark Duggan operation but still bashing away at the falsley presented Lawrence debacle which was only instrumental in PC policing and gagging of freedom of speech and expression. Another sham enquiry at public expense and no nearer to unveiling the stinking truth of what’s really being covered up.

  3. Robert McAuley
    24th September 2015

    I have been under police surveillance for the past fifteen years. During this time, my writing has been monitored, my internet searches filtered, and my correspondence blocked. In September 2012, I entered the United States to claim asylum. There, at Broward Transitional Center in Miami, I was advised by US Immigration and Customs, that my case against the Metropolitan Police was a civil one. However, on returning to England, my communications continue to be blocked. As an author of novels and poetry the ongoing situation is sickening.

    My ongoing surveillance stems from an unsuccessful liaison with a senior police officer; Rachel Green. The affair was solicited at Bramshill House on the 27th of May 1999. There, at England’s principal police staff training college, I was introduced by my supervisor, Dr Janet Foster, to Ms Green. The contrived romance, however, was short lived. I could see from the start that Rachel was confused about her sexuality. So, after two weeks, I ended the arranged affair. When Janet discovered this, she accused me of ‘practically raping’ Rachel. At the time, Rachel was a young high-flying senior officer from a wealthy respectable family with her eyes set on a top position in the Metropolitan Police. As Janet explained at the time, Rachel was aiming for the position of first female Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police. Instead the appointment went to Rachel’s Xerox: Cressida Dick. After graduating from Cambridge with an M.Phil in Criminology, Rachel returned to Durham; her childhood home, where she remains unmarried. Unlike Rachel, Janet remains married to a senior police officer.

    Since that fateful summer, I have tried to write creatively. My latest book, Black Trident, intends to draw on my experiences as Dr Janet Foster’s assistant on the MSt in Applied Criminology and Police Management. The book hoped to detail how this divisive, racist unit resulted in the murder of Mark Duggan and the riots of 2011. The study was to detail senior officers view’s on ‘Black gun crime’ articulated on the course; and how they evolved into Operation Trident. However, given my ongoing restrictions and even with the development of new social media, the process of creative writing is being made increasingly difficult. The same principle applies to a book I hope to write about the short life and tragic death of my mother; Brenda McAuley. Like Mark, simply writing her name in this degenerate aegis repulses me.


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